TavisTalks on NPR – May 14, 2012

Featured expert: Jason Reece, research director at Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Ohio State University.

No matter who wins in November, we know what President Obama and Gov. Romney say they will do to help grow and support small businesses in America. Jason Reece, director of research for the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at The Ohio State University, discusses the reality of the challenges facing small businesses today.

Listen to entire interview

Marc Steiner Show, NPR WEAA – 88.9
December 10, 2011

Featured expert: Angela Stanley, researcher at Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Ohio State University.

Angela Stanley is a research associate at the Kirwan Institute. Her work and interests focus on the social sciences, the intersection of race and gender, popular culture, and civic engagement. Currently she is working on the development of strategic advocacy plans for African American communities in the Twin Cities, Portland, Seattle, and Des Moines through the Northwest Area Foundation’s African American Leadership Forums. In addition, she is helping to develop a new model for civic engagement in Detroit with MOSES. She is also engaged in work surrounding improving the conditions for Black girls in Franklin County, Ohio. Prior to joining Kirwan, Angela was a graduate teaching associate in the department of political science at The Ohio State University, teaching undergraduate courses on American government, Black politics, and urban politics. She received a Master’s degree in American Politics from OSU and is currently ABD. She also earned her Bachelor’s degree in Political Science from Purdue University. 

Featured expert: Sharon L. Davies

View Video on ABC6 News

JACKSONVILLE, Fla. (AP) — The neighborhood watch volunteer who shot 17-year-old Trayvon Martin was arrested and charged with second-degree murder Wednesday after months of mounting tensions and protests across the country.

George Zimmerman, 28, could get up to life in prison if convicted in the slaying of the unarmed black teenager.

Special prosecutor Angela Corey announced the charges but would not discuss how she arrived at them or disclose other details of her investigation, saying: “That’s why we try cases in court.”

Also published on Race-Talk

A month after his passing, Trayvon Martin’s untimely death at age 17 continues to saturate national headlines.  By now the familiar details are familiar but remain haunting.  Walking home from a convenience store in Sanford, FL on February 26^th carrying a bag of Skittles and an iced tea, the Black teenager was followed, confronted, and shot by George Zimmerman, an overzealous self-appointed “neighborhood watch captain.”  Zimmerman claims he acted in self-defense after citing what he believed to be suspicious behavior displayed by Martin.  Despite Zimmerman explicitly being told by a 911 dispatcher not to follow Martin, Zimmerman pursued the teen, wielding a gun that ultimately took the teen’s life.  Martin was unarmed.

The senselessness of this killing, amplified by the fact that Zimmerman has yet to be arrested, has prompted widespread outrage, energizing passionate marches, rallies, and petitions calling for justice.  This story remains the talk of the nation, even meriting remarks from President Obama, as we collectively dissect the details and try to make sense of this seemingly incomprehensible transgression.  Many facets of that evening are being analyzed, ranging from the official (e.g., Florida’s Stand Your Ground law) to the mundane (Trayvon’s apparel).  One topic that has not received much attention, however, is the concept of implicit bias.

Also known as unconscious or hidden bias, implicit biases are negative associations that people unknowingly hold and may express automatically without conscious awareness.  Many studies have indicated that implicit biases affect individuals’ attitudes and actions, thus creating real-world implications even though individuals may not even be aware that these biases exist within themselves.  Implicit bias should not be regarded as an excuse for behavior, but rather a possible contributing factor to one’s actions.

Research on implicit bias that is particularly salient in this case is studies that examine shooter bias.  In short, shooter bias is measured through a computerized simulation test in which participants are instructed to “shoot” if the man that appears on the screen is holding a gun, but refrain if the man on the screen is holding a benign object such as a can of soda pop.  The research examines participants’ reactions to these images, as the series of images of both Black and white men flash on the screen.  Shooter bias reflects the finding that participants made faster decisions and were more likely to shoot when the image depicted a Black man, even when this was an erroneous decision and the Black man was not actually brandishing a firearm.

The 911 audio suggests that a physical confrontation took place between Martin and Zimmerman, though much uncertainty surrounds how the scuffle was instigated and by whom.  Implicit bias opens up the possibility that Zimmerman’s actions, although unquestionably reprehensible, may have been fueled by more than just conscious motivation.  This research, combined with the pervasive societal narrative that demonizes Black men as dangerous and criminal, could explain – but certainly not excuse – Zimmerman’s inclination to follow Martin and conclude that Martin was a dangerous figure.

Investigations into Trayvon Martin’s death are ongoing.  Martin, along with his family and loved ones, deserve justice.  Zimmerman unquestionably should be held accountable for his actions, regardless of the source(s) of his motivation.  Implicit bias research reminds us that the associations our minds make subconsciously can affect real-life actions and outcomes.  As such, Martin’s very presence as a young Black male may have activated implicit racial biases in Zimmerman, thereby unconsciously stimulating his belief that Martin posed a threat and warranted pursuit.  Research from shooter bias and related studies indicate that our interpretations not always as accurate as we think they are, and in this case, Zimmerman’s unconscious associations related to Black males and criminality may have contributed to the deadly confrontation.

Also published on Race-Talk

Death is inevitable. In an ideal world, we would all die in our sleep in a peaceful state of bliss without pain or regret.  In the real world, death comes at its own pace and in myriad ways.  Most of us, especially the young, want to avoid the topic of death altogether; it’s too finite. Many philosophers and social scientists believe that the avoidance of death and the fear of death are deeply ingrained in our psyche.

But, if we are paying attention, we know that many of the choices we make in our everyday lives have the potential to expose us to sudden unnatural mortality.  Illegal drug use, reckless driving, smoking, even unprotected sex can all have lethal consequences; and while every death diminishes the human family in some way, we tend to temper our sympathy when people make free conscious choices that place them in harm’s way.

But what about seemingly natural and neutral conditions that do not involve choice —like race ? When we examine the history of race in America we see an inexorable connection between blackness and unnatural death beginning with slavery, moving through Jim Crow and on to Trayvon Martin.

The historic record shows that the institution of slavery was punctuated with unnatural death at every corner. It is estimated that between one and two million African men, women and children died of starvation and disease in the holes of slave ships in the Middle Passage to the Americas or were chained together and cast into the sea when supplies of food and water ran low or to quell an insurrection or to avoid detection by the naval authorities.

On plantations, enslaved people were classified as sub-human to justify their brutalization and murder. In the Jim Crow South, entire communities of whites often gathered in a festive family atmosphere to murder a black man by hanging for a crime no more serious than gazing directly into the eyes of a white woman. Black people were systematically murdered for demanding the opportunity to live as fully engaged citizens. The historic legacy of “death by blackness” is clear, but why does this legacy continue today? An examination of Trayvon Martin’s tragic death provides some answers.

Research on implicit racial bias and stereotyping strongly suggest that African Americans, and especially African American men and boys, have been demonized into a caricature that depicts them as criminals and thugs; a group that signals danger for many whites.  For example, research on “shooter bias” (also called the “shooter effect”) suggests that, in simulation tests, a white person requires less decision time to shoot an unarmed black man than to shoot an armed white man and that whites will shoot African Americans more frequently (Correll, Park, Judd, and Wittenbrink, 2002;  Greenwald, Oakes, and Hoffman, 2002, Payne, 2006).

Police shootings of unarmed black men give salience to this dynamic in the real world. The implication here is that endemic biased reporting on black crime and distorted depictions of black people—especially black men—in the popular media have created a racialized landscape in which all black people represent some level of danger to most people who are not black. While following Trayvon Martin, George Zimmerman told police that the teenager was “real suspicious; looks like he’s up to no good or he’s on drugs or something.”  This racialized biased perception of danger compelled Zimmerman to follow Martin even when the police told him that they did not need him to do that. The unavoidable assumption here is that if Trayvon Martin had been white, he would be alive today.

The shooting death of a 17 year old unarmed African American teenager in Florida seems to have stimulated the white public consciousness to at least consider that blackness is central to this tragic event.  It appears that many whites who would not ordinarily be engaged around issues of blackness and racial inequality are outraged by this killing and seem to have contextualized some connection, albeit fuzzy, between Trayvon Martin’s blackness and his death. This tragic event creates an opportunity to energize this dialogue, to expand on it and to illuminate the countless ways in which implicit racial bias, racial resentment and structural barriers have deprived African Americans of opportunity and life.

Also published on the Huffington Post and Race-Talk

By now everyone is familiar with the story of 17-year old Trayvon Martin.  Visiting a family friend with his father, Trayvon fatefully walked to the corner store for an ice tea and skittles and never again would see his friends or family after a violent confrontation with self-appointed neighborhood watch captain George Zimmerman.

This story, which has now gripped the nation for over two weeks, has progressed from a heart-wrenching tragedy to organized outrage to serious examination of the facts to political drama as competing narratives sediment and the legal process slowly cranks forward.

While the final chapter has yet to be written, the real tragedy of this story is that the death of Travyon Martin has not changed this nation’s conversation on race. In fact, it’s dredged up the same old conversation, revived the same tired narratives and distracting questions that almost every race incident that garners national headlines prompts.  Until we start asking the right questions, we will never change the conversation on race.

The question isn’t whether Zimmerman is a racist. The question is what cultural cues, scripts and neighborhood arrangements prompted Zimmerman to view Travyon as suspicious.

The question isn’t whether Zimmerman is a bigot, but rather what hostile territorialism or defensive neighborhood protectionism generated a misguided sense of responsibility to zealously pursue Travyon despite being told by the police to back off?

The question isn’t whether Zimmerman was chasing down Travyon like a vigilante, but what anxieties contributed to a combustible situation?

The question isn’t whether the police are racist, but rather what narratives exist that motivate police officers and other Americans to view young black men as ‘criminally suspicious’?

The production of racial inequality in contemporary America is less a result of individual racial prejudice than a product of culturally embedded, subconscious racial associations and neighborhood arrangements, which distribute opportunity unevenly across our cities and towns.

It is deep structural forces, like pervasive patterns of residential racial segregation and subconscious implicit biases which make black youth seem alien or criminally suspect in private, largely white gated communities that are at issue.  The tragedy of Travyon Martin perfectly captures this nation’s deepest race problems, and yet almost no one is talking about what those problems really are.

Until we start asking the right questions, I fear there will be more Travyon Martins.

The United States Supreme Court recently agreed to take up the case of Fisher v. University of Texas. The case will once more put the issue of affirmative action squarely into national focus just eight years after the Court upheld the use of race in the University of Michigan’s admissions decisions in Grutter v. Bollinger. By a 5-4 vote, the Court in Grutter upheld the use of race in university admissions, but placed strict limits on the practice. Now that the composition of the Court has changed, attention will fall on Justice Kennedy, the current Court’s critical swing vote. Since recent appointee Justice Kagan has recused herself from the case, on account of her participation in these cases in her previous role as solicitor general, the stakes are higher than ever. One way or the other, Justice Kennedy will decide the fate of affirmative action. His dissenting opinion inGrutter is a roadmap to the outcome in Fisher.

Read more on Race-Talk

Also Published on Huffington Post and AlterNet.

Galveston Daily News – News story March 1, 2012

Featured experts: Jason Reece, Christy Rogers, Matthew Martin, Sarah Lawson, Jonathan Lee, and Avrita Singh

Almost four years after the destruction of Hurricane Ike, the shortage of affordable housing in Galveston remains a major challenge to recovery.

The city of Galveston has a great need to replace its demolished affordable housing stock. Galveston’s “base” of pre-hurricane affordable housing units is relatively small compared to other regions in the U.S., and post-hurricane displacement of low-income families and especially families of color has been extensive.

For example, the city of Galveston lost 16.5 percent of its population between 2000 and 2010. Population loss for whites during this time was 11.4 percent. Population loss for the African-American community during this time was three times greater, with the African-American population declining by 36.7 percent.

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The city of Galveston has a great need to replace its demolished affordable housing stock. Galveston’s “base” of pre-hurricane affordable housing units is relatively small compared to other regions in the U.S., and post-hurricane displacement of low-income families and especially families of color has been extensive.

For example, the city of Galveston lost 16.5 percent of its population between 2000 and 2010. Population loss for whites during this time was 11.4 percent. Population loss for the African-American community during this time was three times greater, with the African-American population declining by 36.7 percent.

Many high opportunity census tracts exist on Galveston Island — in fact, many Galveston public housing sites are closer to high opportunity neighborhoods on the island than they are in other parts of the county.

The majority of Galveston’s public housing sites are less than a half-mile from high opportunity areas. This proximity provides an opportunity to rebuild in a manner that assures continued access to these higher opportunity areas and to potentially anchor broader community revitalization initiatives. 

Unfortunately, the former Oleander public housing site is in a low opportunity area surrounded by incompatible industrial uses. 

It is critical that sufficient public housing units with three and four bedrooms be reconstructed to house families with children. 

Neighborhoods exert their biggest effects on children — a recent study showed that living in a concentrated poverty neighborhood was the equivalent of losing a year of school.

The Kirwan Institute’s opportunity mapping combines data on educational opportunities, economic health and neighborhood stability and health to assess which neighborhoods are ripe with opportunity for individuals and families. Our complete report is available at kirwaninstitute.org.

The Kirwin Institute suggests the following recommendations:

• Rebuild affordable housing on the island that was destroyed by Ike: Cost-burdened households were increasing throughout the county before Ike. The largest rates of cost burdened households are found on the island.

• Rebuild in places in or near high-opportunity areas: As the opportunity maps show, many of Galveston Island’s neighborhoods are higher opportunity areas, which could be considered for additional public housing and affordable housing development.

• Target additional public housing units near institutions like hospitals and universities: These institutions are sources of valuable services and jobs that form the basis of opportunity.

• Ensure affordable housing is rebuilt near accessible public transportation.

• Engage and involve public housing residents in redevelopment decisions: Restoration and improvement of housing will only be effective when informed by the desires and needs of the residents themselves.

The housing authority and the city should engage in “groundtruthing,” whereby the aspirations of residents can be clearly understood in the context of the opportunity landscape. Affordable, sustainable and supportive housing is an important component of a healthy and economically vibrant Gulf Coast community for all residents.

Toledo Blade Daily Newspaper – News Story February 27, 2012

Featured expert: Jason Reece, research director at Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Ohio State University.

… When families can’t move to neighborhoods with better opportunities, that harms the entire region, said Jason Reece, a senior researcher at the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race & Ethnicity at Moritz College of Law at Ohio State University.

“What is the societal cost of denying those folks their rights and keeping them in those [low opportunity] neighborhoods? Every bit of research in the last half century shows us that those kids are going to struggle … The societal cost to that is huge.” When vast numbers of children struggle in central-city neighborhoods and don’t receive a good education, “a place like Toledo is not going to be able to compete. And that’s not just the inner city’s problem. That is the region’s problem,” Mr. Reece said.

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